Capitalism can sell everything; but it can’t sell “less.” Capitalism
knows no limits, it only knows how to expand, creating while destroying.
The World Council of Churches, which represents about 590
million Christians in 520,000 congregations, decided in July that to continue
to hold fossil fuel stock would compromise its ethics, and recommended that the
349 member denominations consider divesting oil and gas stock. Six of the eight
Anglican dioceses of New Zealand and Polynesia, and four dioceses in Australia
divested their portfolios of fossil fuel stock. In the United States, the
United Church of Christ and the Unitarian Universalist churches became the
first denominations to begin to divest themselves of fossil fuel stock. Both
denominations have a long history of fighting for social justice. Also
divesting are Quaker, Episcopal, and several other denominations. Several
synods of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America have passed resolutions
asking the national board and local churches to divest themselves of fossil
fuel stocks. The Union Theological seminary, with a $108.4 million endowment,
became the nation’s first seminary to divest itself of fossil fuel stock. The
Rev. Dr. Serene Jones, the seminary’s president, explained the decision: “It is
ever clear that humanity’s addiction to fossil fuels is death-dealing—or as
Christians would say, profoundly sinful.”
Right now there are hundreds of campaigns globally for
fossil fuel divestment as a strategy in the fight against climate change. Many
are proposing that when institutions divest from fossil fuels, they should then
"reinvest" in clean energy and low-income communities. The debate
about divestment raises important questions about how we bring about social and
economic change and how much we should engage with capitalist enterprises and
government.
For sure, to address climate change, we clearly need massive
development of solar, wind and other clean energy. And we need improved and
expanded public transit, energy-efficient housing. A "divest and
reinvest" strategy is being advocated of universities and other
institutions to use their endowment money to support environmental initiatives.
Selling fossil fuel stocks will not significantly hurt fossil fuel companies
financially. Buying solar company stocks may lead to small increases in the
price of those stocks but that’s all. A divest-reinvest strategy is not likely
to lead to the clean energy economy we need. We have evidence. Ethical
investors have failed to end the arms trade or the tobacco and alcohol
industries. Such campaign gives a
legitimacy to the capitalist system by focusing on money rather than politics
undermine the rationale for capitalism’s existence.
There exists two rival conceptions of socialism. What is
known as “state socialism” and what is called “market socialism”. One advocates
a system of state-ownership, where there exists no private enterprise of
individual capitalists. The economy is run by a series of plans under the
centralized command of the State. Wage labour still exists but the employer is
the government and the bosses are the officials of the various ministries and
departments. The other model promoted is where the economy is operated by a
mixture of co-operatives and nationalized industries that will no longer
possess the imperative to accumulate capital or compete with other nation
states. Wage labour remains but because enterprises are worker-owned or, at
least managed, the worker pay themselves (profit-sharing), they are their own
employers. The Socialist Party rejects both types and even challenge them to
legitimately call themselves versions of socialism as they both involve buying
and selling, the continuance of private property (albeit collectively owned)
and the retention of the prices system as an expression of value.
Advocates of either “state socialism” or “market socialism”
describe the socialist vision held by the Socialist Party as utopian. The idea
of overthrowing existing “corporate” capitalism and replacing it with a nicer
sort of capitalism is a political project that the Socialist Party would
ascribe as the fantasy. The Left strangely enough share the same criticism of
socialism as the Right. “It sounds good
on paper, but socialism will never work, because if everybody gets everything
they need whether they work or not, then there is no incentive to work at all!”
So the old argument goes, you need wages and you need money to force people to
work. “No money, no honey.” This is the case against socialism shared by those
avowedly pro-capitalist and some who declare themselves to be some sort of
“socialist.” They ten present a picture of a society where there will be no
pressure among competing enterprises to undersell one another by allotting some
workers a smaller share in income, working some harder than others, laying some
off, hiring the poor from other regions. Workplace democracy within the market
is supposed to minimize such exploitative tendencies. It should be obvious by
now that neither “state” nor “market” socialism are “realistic” proposals that
provide a solution. We might as well revert back to Henry George or Major
Douglas plans for a “post-capitalist” society.
Workers sell their labour power as a commodity. That is why we concentrate efforts on the
price of our labour power (wages) and the terms and conditions at which it is
sold. Certain workers’ cooperatives anticipate a new society growing within the
womb of the old. It reunites workers
with the means of production and removes the capitalist from the
workplace. It gives ownership to the
workers and elevates their power, confidence and consciousness. It can prepare the workers involved and other
workers for the task of making the whole economy the property of the working
class, which is socialism. Some co-ops provide the services that are currently
provided by the state and which leaves them at the mercy of the state and the
politicians who preside on top of it.
Such services include education, health, welfare and pensions. Thousands
of cooperatives already exist; they are not purely idealistic mental
constructions. What’s more they can be,
and many are, very successful; providing hundreds of thousands of jobs. Living proof that workers can do without
capitalists to tell them what to do.
Workers can take control, can make decisions and can be successful. When
critics say – “where is your socialist alternative after over a 150 years of
your movement?” we might be ventured to point to the cooperative movement as a
simple promise for the future. Of course, cooperatives are not a solution to
everything. An objection is made that cooperatives will simply teach workers to
exploit themselves within a market economy based on competition. They will simply become their own
capitalists. Co-ops aren’t anti-capitalist because they do not provide an
alternative to capitalism, except in the legal sense of ownership. In
capitalist society ownership entitles control and capitalist ownership entails
capitalist control. Markets do not disappear and therefore capitalism does not
disappear.
We must urge the start of a new period of major struggle
against capitalism, after a long time of relative inaction. The Socialist Party
can be thought of as representing, in embryo, the democratic participatory
socialism of the future, in which popular groups will make economic
decisions. In this way, socialism can be
made real, although socialism cannot fully be installed without making a
radical break with current property relations and the current allocation of
political power. There is a need for mass education about the ways in which
capitalism lies at the root of the problems afflicting ordinary people around
the world. The belief that nothing beyond capitalism is possible can be
countered by a vision of a workable socialism, based on democratic participation
in the economic as well as the political institutions of society. The socialist
movement can be rebuilt, and socialism can become a real possibility again,
only when millions of people become convinced, not only that capitalism does
not meet their needs, but that a better alternative system is possible. If the
resistance to reformism can prevail, a vision of a socialist future for
humankind may again be placed on the world’s political agenda.
We cannot be effective socialists if we work alone. We
cannot inspire socialism without embracing self-education. Revolution is not a
product, but a process. We don’t ever “finish” our training. Class struggle remain
a perpetual work-in-progress. It’s tempting to write off all those so-called
comrades who don’t share your epic vision or your one-of-a-kind discipline or
your... whatever. You’ll start the damn revolution all alone. Who needs them,
right? You need them. We all need “them.” For many reasons. For example: it is collective
efforts that create the checks and balances. Unless we work as a team, we might
aim our rage and anger at the wrong targets. A socialist party needs
commitment. It doesn’t need loners. It needs teammates and solidarity support
for all who join the struggle. Our shared personal visions help lay the
groundwork for political action. Let’s join together to work towards collective
liberation.
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