The choice is ours to make

The conflict between rich and poor is as old as the hills. The rich being powerful always managed to subdue the lower classes and spared no endeavour to protect their status and privileges.

In ancient Athens, the aristocracy augmented its power and wealth by acquiring agricultural land from peasants,   enslaving them for non-payment of loan. When the peasants reacted against the injustice, a legal system of Draconian laws was introduced to control them. Founded by Dracon, an Athenian statesman, these laws were very strict and the death penalty was applied to almost all crime. Solan another Athenian statesman annulled all mortgages and debts, limited the amount of land anyone might add to his holdings, and outlawed all borrowing in which a person’s liberty might be pledged. The last reform put an end to serfdom and slavery. Other economic reforms included a ban on the export of all agricultural products except olive oil and the granting of citizenship to immigrant artisans. Solon also made important constitutional changes. The assembly was opened to all freemen. His legislature made Athenian democracy strong and allowed the common man to take part in decision making. After completing his work of reform, Solon surrendered his extraordinary authority and left Athens. Cleisthenes further empowered people and is known as the founder of Athenian democracy. Under his system, all men 18 years of age and older were registered as citizens and as members of the deme (village or town) in which they lived. All male citizens over the age of thirty could serve for a term of one year on the Council and no one could serve more than two terms in a lifetime. Such an organisation was necessary, Cleisthenes believed, so that every citizen would learn from direct political experience. With such a personal interest in his democracy, there would be no citizens to conspire and attempt to abolish the system.

Once democratic institutions were established, the Athenian society flourished culturally and socially. Philosophers like Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle introduced radical views in human thinking, enriching the human thought so that Athens became a centre of learning. Its reputation as a city of culture attracted scholars to Athens in quest of knowledge. The Epicureans and Stoics further continued philosophical traditions and the Athenian democracy. Sophists like Aristotle, Plato, and Aristophanes influenced Athenian politicians who learnt to argue and present their case in the democratic assembly.

In ancient Greece, Sparta, another powerful city-state, was quite different from Athens. Most Spartan men were soldiers and Sparta played almost no role in the celebrated scholarly and artistic achievements of other Greek city-states (particularly Athens). Individualism was not valued, instead a patriotic spirit was forged among its citizens. Lycurgus, the mythical law maker transformed the whole city of Sparta into a military camp. Boys were indoctrinated to fight and die in the battlefield. By law at the age of seven, they joined camps where they lived till they were 30. They were rigorously trained for war, walked barefoot, slept on the rough floor, ate sparsely and wore a single outfit for the whole year. Girls were also physically trained like boys. Their strength and dexterity was also aimed at being healthy mothers. When they gave birth, the baby was presented before a committee and unhealthy babies were thrown from the top of a mountain to die. Sparta produced the best soldiers and its army was invincible. But at what price? It produced no philosophers or writers. When its military power collapsed after 70 or 80 years, having no heritage or culture, Sparta  disappeared in the mist of history.

Athens was a democracy, the result of intellectual innovation, contributing richly to civilisation of mankind. Whereas Sparta, a warrior state failed to contribute to culture and wasted energy and talent on war. There is a choice for us; either to become an intellectually barren, warrior state like Sparta or a democratic republic like Athens with rich cultural and intellectual traditions.

Adapted from here 

Strikes - Schools for Socialism?

There exists to-day, so many factions claiming each to lay down the course necessary to be taken by the working class towards its emancipation. The Socialist Party does not minimise the necessity and importance of the worker keeping up the struggle to maintain the wage-scale, resisting cuts. There are some signs however that general combativity is rising. Let's not forget that this is vital if our class is to develop some of the solidarity and self-confidence essential for the final abolition of wage slavery. Socialists recognise the necessity of workers' solidarity in the class struggle against the capitalist class, and rejoice in every victory for the workers to assert their economic power.

Trade unions are necessary, not to overthrow the present system, but to resist capitalist encroachment under the system. To struggle for higher wages and better conditions is not revolutionary in any fundamental sense of the word; and the essential weapons in this struggle are not revolutionary either. Industrial militancy is just that: militancy on the industrial field. Those who are most active in this do tend to have political views, generally of a left-wing nature, but it is not for these views that they are supported; it is for their negotiating skills and their ability to stand up to the bosses and express what their fellow workers feel about pay and working conditions. There have been numerous examples of shop stewards and works convenors who at work have been able to “mobilise” thousands of workers but who, when they have stood at elections for the Communist Party, have received only a few hundred votes. Industrial militancy does not lead to political militancy, but ebbs and flows as labour market conditions change – and industrial militants can in no way count on leading their supporters on or on to the political field. Most experienced industrial militants are well aware of this and wouldn’t dream of trying to.

To be sure, participation in the class struggle does not automatically make workers class conscious. Workers are not "reformist" because "the unions" make them so; rather the level of political consciousness within a union will be a reflection of the general consciousness of the working class at the time. If more militant members are losing the arguments then this reflects a wider passivity: something that is hardly surprising given the shattering defeats organised labour has suffered in Britain in recent decades. Trade unions can only be as militant and class conscious (and effective) as their memberships are, which must depend on the wider situation. (Though this isn't to take away from the damage done by servile union bosses) To create a dichotomy between "the unions" and "the workers" can only lead to a distorted analysis of the uses and limitations of union struggle. Ultimately the union and the workers are one and the same thing. If these workers have reformist outlook on life, i.e. believe that capitalism can be made to run in the interests of all, the unions must therefore have the same outlook; on the other hand if there were more revolutionary workers in the unions—and in society generally—then the unions would have a more revolutionary outlook, no longer harbouring any illusions about 'common national interests' . That would not in any way alter the essential nature and role of the trade unions as the defensive organisations of the working class; but it would make them far more effective fulfilling that role

Socialism demands the revolutionising of the workers themselves. This does not mean that workers should sit back and do nothing, the struggle over wages and conditions must go on. But once we have learned the hard lessons , it becomes clear that this is a secondary, defensive activity. The real struggle is to take the means of wealth production and distribution – the factories, farms, offices, mines etc. – into the common ownership and democratic control of the entire world community. Only by conscious and democratic action will such a socialist system of society be established. This means urging workers to want something more than what they once thought was "enough". Socialists are accused of wanting "too much" because our aim is aim is a society in which the earth is the common property of all . The task of the Socialist Party is to show workers that it is a practical proposition which calls for their urgent attention in order to transform a picture of how we could live into a movement for how we shall live. To transform this desire into an immediancy for the working class. Democratic decisions will need to be made, not by leaders but by all interested people. That people are capable of organising their own affairs in common is one of the things that has clearly demonstrated. The socialist movement must be "the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority" (Communist Manifesto).

One school of thought in the working class political movement sees unofficial and wildcat strikes as bona fide rebellions, not only against the labour leaders, but against the capitalist system itself. This school views unofficial actions and wildcat strikes as the beginnings of a real rank and file movement which will eventually result in the workers throwing out the union bureaucrats, taking over the factories, establishing workers' councils and ultimately a "workers society" based on these councils. Often If one reads in leftist journals an impression that a tremendous political movement of the workers is under way. Yet these wildcats still remain purely economic struggles on the part of the workers. They have a grievance arising out of the conditions of their work, instinctively they bring to bear their only weapon, withdrawal of their labour. For a brief period the workers are aroused. They assail their union leaders in no uncertain terms. But they learn nothing of the role of these union leaders in support of capitalism because they do not understand the society under which they live. In a few days, after the wildcat is over, the workers return to their routine thinking.

Some believe these wildcat unofficial strikes can be used as a lever to push the workers along a political road, towards their "emancipation." How is this possible if the workers do not understand the political road, and are only engaging in economic struggles? The answer is that "leaders in-the-know" will direct the workers, much as a guide-dog leads a blind person. But more often than not these leaders will also try to lead the workers in the wrong direction, toward the wrong goals (nationalisation and state capitalism), as the workers later find out to their sorrow.

The socialist approach of education - rather than the non-socialist approach of leadership - is much better. Through education it can be pointed out to the workers that strikes arise out of the nature of capitalism, but that they are not the answer to the workers' problems. These economic struggles settle nothing decisively because in the end the workers still wear the chains of wage slavery. It is the political act of the entire working class to eliminate the exploitative relations between workers and capitalists which can furnish a final solution. The socialist teaches the nature of both capitalism and socialism, so that, armed with this understanding, the workers themselves can carry out the political act of their own emancipation. This is the lesson of all other outbursts of class struggle among the workers. These struggles can be used as a means of educating workers to the real political struggle - socialism. They should not be used as a means to gain leadership over the workers, or to lead them along a political path they do not understand.

Salt of the Earth

Appreciations to Marx and Coca-Cola blogger for posting Salt of the Earth video . Made in 1954 by blacklisted filmmakers .

Not just about a miners strike but also about racism and sexism .

Salt of the Earth is based on a 1950 strike by zinc miners in Silver City, New Mexico. Against a backdrop of social injustice, a riveting family drama is played out by the characters of Ramon and Esperanza Quintero, a Mexican-American miner and his wife. In the course of the strike, Ramon and Esperanza find their roles reversed: an injunction against the male strikers moves the women to take over the picket line, leaving the men to domestic duties. The women evolve from men's subordinates into their allies and equals.

"They can't arrest everybody"

As reported here

"Do you know that we're going to take a stroll this weekend?" she whispered, using the latest euphemism for the unofficial protests that have unnerved authorities in Shanghai over the past month...The sudden "strolls" by thousands of office workers, company managers, young families and the elderly in this sleek financial hub are the latest chapter in a quiet middle-class battle against government officials. Police, who have routinely put down rural protests by poor farmers, have found it more difficult to intimidate an affluent, educated crowd in a major city. But these protests here have been unusual. They are led by homeowners and professionals .

In the city of Xiamen, thousands of middle-class residents have managed at least temporarily to halt the construction of a $1 billion chemical factory because of environmental concerns. Demonstrators in that city, in Fujian province, relied on the Internet and cellphone text messaging to organize strolls and other opposition.

"We learned from Xiamen," said Gu Qidong, 36, a Shanghai protester and freelance sales consultant in the health-care industry. "We have no other way besides this. We once asked if we could apply for a march permit, and the police said they would never approve it."

First, a small group of protesters met at a shopping center the morning of Jan. 6, shouting "Reject the maglev!" and "We want to protect our homes!" They left after an hour, regrouping later in a neighborhood near where the extension would be built.
A few days later, hundreds of people went to a mall that is popular with tourists and made an evening stop in another affected neighborhood. By Jan. 12, thousands of people were gathering at People's Square and on Nanjing Lu, both high-profile locations in downtown Shanghai, shouting "People's police should protect the people!" and "Save our homes!"
The growing boldness of the protesters has prompted city officials to emphasize that residents should find "normal" channels to vent their unhappiness. "We will forestall and defuse social tensions," Shanghai Mayor Han Zheng said in his annual government report Thursday, in what appeared to be a tacit nod to the protesters' concerns.
After each stroll, residents upload photos and videos to Chinese Web sites, which are often blocked by the government, and to YouTube, a site that isn't. The project has turned neighbors who did not know each other into close friends and allies who now compare notes and strategize.

"They can't arrest everybody," said Yao, a 58-year-old protester .

We can dismiss the description of them being the "middle" classes and all company managers , but what the report does reflect is the rising demand for democratic rights that inevitably arises with the growth and development of capitalism . What is still sad is that they still talk about "their" people's police "their" government , "their" constitution .

All Coppers are Workers

Today , saw a protest march for more pay by the police so i have transcribed a Socialist Standard article from way back in August 1971.

Are the police paragons of virtue or fascist bastards? Certainly they are abused as fascists by many leftists who , with their customary lack of originality , have also seized upon the American term “pigs” which is used endlessly in their various journals such a Red Mole and International Times. At the demonstrations against the Industrial Relations Bill earlier this year , the police were denounced as enemies of the working class and many placards showing a Bobby as “your next personnel manager” were on display .

Is this attitude justified ? Of course the police are not in any trade union and they are sometimes seen in conflict with strikers , besides students and other protesters; so how different are policemen from other wage earners in their general outlook?

Obviously , the nature of their job as part of the state machine ensures that the ruling class will try to ensure that the police cannot strike . Add to this the fact that throughout its history many of the force have had a background of military discipline , and the possibility of a police trade union looks bleak indeed . And yet there was such a union - The National Union of Police and Prison Officers , formed in 1913.

Earlier attempts to obtain better pay and conditions through organisation were made in London in 1872 and 1890. Both were quickly crushed by dismissing the men’s spokesmen. However, during World War One the police were no longer well paid in relation to other workers - were even worse off. Cancellation of leave-days plus many other irritations saw the rapid growth of the illegal union with constables Marston and Thiel as Chairman and Provincial Organiser respectively. When the authorities tried the usual victimisation tactics almost the whole of the Metropolitan Police Force , numbering 19000 men , struck . During the strike pickets clashed with blacklegs and special police, just like other workers in a similar situation.

The authorities , caught unprepared , had to climb down and the men’s demands were met with on important exception - the guarantee of union recognition . Soon after the strike the union claimed it had over 40000 paying members . In some cities the union was influential in the Police Representation Boards - in Liverpool it was able to have men promoted who had been unfairly passed over. Meantime the authorities were preparing for a showdown and in this they were helped not only by granting better pay and conditions , but by the union leadership which was far too militant for its members.

When the union was outlawed by the Police Act of 1919 a national strike was called despite the fact that less than half the police were members ; also , there was no strike fund and no likelihood of support from other unions . This time in London only 1113 came out , but in Liverpool 932 out of 1256 struck. Riots took place there in Liverpool , Birkenhead , as looting mobs battled for days with soldiers and specials while a battleship and two destroyers steamed from Scapa Flow to the Mersey . The strike collapsed and every single striker was dismissed , never to be reinstated . For many it meant , besides unemployment , eviction from home and loss of pension. Many who had been opposed to striking nevertheless did so out of loyalty to the union or because they had given their word . Today there are still survivors of this little known episode in working class history who proudly possess a card which proclaims that they are “ still on strike”(1).

Nor is the British experience unique . The same things happened in Boston , USA , in 1919 with similar results - all strikers were dismissed . In 1963 the Helsinki police impressed the urgency of their case on the authorities by resigning en masse on the same day ! In March this year Paris police stopped work twice on the same day for several hours and distributed leaflets outlining their grievances , amongst which was their dislike of being sent to quell campus disturbances ( leftists take note!). Also , many New York police struck for several days last January .
Nowadays the police in Britain , from inspectors to constables , are organised in the Police Federation , formed in 1919. Although forbidden to strike , the Federation negotiates pay and conditions with the authorities in much the same way as a trade union . The separate Scottish Federtion has been demanding the right to strike and its secretary , Dan Wilson , commented that the government in refusing this “…are only burying their head in the sand if they deny the police the same rights as other workers . We are , after all , only workers" (Guardian 28/11/70).

So the police record in recognising their class position in society isn’t as bad as some people may think. They have , from time to time, shown considerable courage in the face of tremendous opposition from the authorities - and from public opinion . And their response to attempts by their employers to squeeze extra work from them is the same as that encountered in factory , mine or office . Some years ago when the Chief of Police in New York attempted to increase the men’s productivity , a police captain observed that “ The Chief makes the decisions and then the locker room makes decisions” . In short , the men themselves regulate their work rate .

That policemen regard their work in much the same way as other workers can be seen from the numbers who leave the Force for jobs offering better wages and hours. In harsher times a job in the Force was a sinecure and much sought after , and men were prepared to accept the strict discipline. With the coming of “full employment” after 1945 there was a mass exodus of police into better paid industrial work and they were joined by those police who had been in the armed forces . By 1959 almost as many trained men were leaving as recruits were joining . 25000 joined between 1960-64 but 17000 left in the same period. In 1964 seventeen recruits meant a net gain of two. As J.P. Martin and Gail Wilson put it - “ For many the police service is no longer a lifetime commitment” (3)

The argument is often advanced that in the event of a socialist majority attempting to establish Socialism democratically , the police will be used , along with the armed forces , to suppress that majority . This is an argument which assumes that policemen have political and moral ideas which are very different from those of society in general . Stuart Bowes , in his attack on the police (4) supports this view - “Anti-democratic sentiments , pro-fascist sympathies and racialist antipathies are commonly revealed by individual policemen” . Perhaps Bowes hasn’t noticed that the same can be said of other workers too - the dockers and market porters who marched in support of Enoch Powell in 1968 are obvious examples.

Bowes quotes many instances of police attacks on strikers and demonstrators , especially during the Depression years The sad fact is that politically ignorant workers , fearful for their jobs in hard times , will be more inclined to perform despicable acts and obey savage orders . Police brutality during the 20s and 30s can be largely attributed to this , and Bowes has to admit that police violence during the post-war strikes has been little.

Michael Banton , in his book Policeman in the Community , points out that “The policeman obtains public co-operation and enjoys public esteem , because he enforces standards accepted by the community” . In other words , if the police are “pigs” then they are only a reflection of a society of “pigs” : they simply do its bidding. The policeman lives in the community and desires to be part of it and have its respect . He needs , as a social being , the moral support of the community in doing his job and will often disregard the law if it is in conflict with what the community thinks is right. For example , in a society with a high proportion of automobile users like America , the point has been reached where the police often avoid booking for traffic offences because of the loss of respect produced by such action .

The police themselves know the situation. The Federation’s Newsletter has stated that “Without the confidence , approval and support of the public , the police machine as we knowit today would become incapable of fulfilling its function…the history of the police force shows [that] clearly” Exactly . Imagine how the Royal Ulster Constabulary would fare if it tried to hunt out IRA men in the Republic ? Or remember how hopeless was the task of the police in Cyprus and Aden when faced with hostile populations? Anyway , policemen who will draw the line at handing out a traffic ticket because of public disapproval are unlikely to be willing to try quelling a majority determined upon changing society .

Do not misunderstand us about the police : this is not whitewash job . Undoubtedly many policemen have obnoxious Political and Social ideas , and there can be no denying that some of them are prone to use violence . But if they sometimes behave brutally towards students , demonstrators , etc, think how many other workers with all their prejudices would behave towards these , if only they had the policeman’s authority and opportunity.

It is long since time for leftists and radicals to stop being hysterical about the police and to have a saner look at the subject .In the Number 6 issue of Ink , one writer , Peter Laurie , has shown just such a welcome approach when in an article describing his past and present attitudes towards the police , he concludes “We feel that there are forces of liberation at work in our society and that they are being held up and obstructed by blocks like the police. It seems to me now that the police are no more than an organic expression of the mind of industrialised man : we will not change them until we change the way everyone thinks , until we demolish the great inhuman system that divides us and uses us all” . Could this be the light at the end of the tunnel?

Our case is that policemen have much the same attitudes as other workers since they are conditioned by the same economical , social and historical forces operating in society. Eventually, the world’s workers , will respond to capitalism’s inhumanities to the extent that they understand and desire the socialist alternative - production for use and the end of exchange relationships. Then Socialist ideas will be just as prevalent in the minds of any policemen who may still be around . They will be for the revolution , not against it .

V.V.

Notes
1 For a history of the police strikes of 1918-19 se “The Night the Police Went on Strike” by Reynolds and Judge 2Western Socialist number 5 1965
3The Police- A study in Manpower
4The Police and Civil Liberties

The Hollywood War Continues

Update on the Hollywood screen - writers strike posted about previously .

Hollywood's film and television writers are in the seventh week of a strike that shows no signs of ending . The Writers Guild membership are refusing to grant a waiver for the Golden Globes awards show on 13 January, which means no participation by any writers or their sympathisers, including the actors' union, and turning down an initial request by the motion picture Academy to show movie or television clips at the Oscars in February.

The writers have shown remarkable unity of purpose in their quest to seek fair compensation for use of their work through new media outlets – the internet, mobile phones, and the rest – and a striking degree of consistency in their line that they were cheated out of their fair share of the video and DVD market, starting back in the 1980s, and have no intention of being cheated all over again. In 1988, they walked out for five months because they felt short-changed and cheated over video residuals – a stoppage that netted them precisely nothing.

They closed down the late-night chat shows and satirical fake newscasts on day one. They persuaded the so-called show-runners – writer-producers who commission, guide and polish scripts – to come out on strike with the rank and file, thus greatly speeding the rate at which popular series such as Desperate Housewives, Grey's Anatomy and Lost ran out of material and were forced into reruns. Assuming the strike lasts into January and beyond, they will effectively sabotage next autumn's line-up of new television shows, because no writers means no pilot episodes for network executives to view and test-run.

But as the Independent points out , as with all industrial disputes , the employers holds an advantage over the workers .

The stoppage has lost the writers $100m (£50m) or more in lost pay cheques. In a plummeting property market and a stagnant economy, that means real worry about meeting mortgage payments and keeping family budgets afloat – worries that will only increase with every passing week.

Also the studios have already suspended standing deals with many writers and have the power, as of this week, to invoke force majeure and cancel those deals outright if they choose to. That's not without its advantages: it's an opportunity for the boss class to cut out a lot of dead wood and free up funds to commission new sorts of shows, shows that do not depend on unionised writers – the whole genre of reality programming with their good audience ratings at a fraction of the production costs .

Then there is the fact that the script -writers are taking on , not just the one employer but the whole industry . When car workers go on strike, they target just one big company – Ford, or General Motors – and hope the competitive disadvantage felt by that company will pressure them into making a deal. But the writers are striking against every single major media conglomerate – Disney, and News Corp, and Viacom and Time Warner, and the rest. Just one would probably be too much on its own; taking on all of them all at once is ain't at all easy. That explains, perhaps, why the WGA has belatedly decided to negotiate with the studios one-on-one and allowed independent production companies, such as the one that produces David Letterman's late-night chat show on CBS, to reach its own deal with its writers.

Hopefully , it will be the the escalation and unity of the workers that pays off next year when The Screen Actors Guild contract is up for renewal in June, and the the two Guilds will make common cause and bring the entire entertainment media business to a halt.

"Your fight is our fight," SAG's president, Alan Rosenberg said this week. "We are proud to walk shoulder-to-shoulder with you and SAG will be there for as long as it takes."

Perhaps not so united in solidarity are the the Directors Guild, whose contract is also up for renewal in June . Big-name directors can secure lucrative, so-called, "back-end" deals through one-on-one negotiation brokered by their agents, so they don't need the minimums that any union deal might guarantee. At the other end of the scale, the assistant and second-unit directors who make up about 40 per cent of the DGA's membership don't care about residuals because they are considered "below the line" – Hollywood's equivalent of blue-collar workers along with the gaffers and grips and camera operators – and don't qualify for any kind of profit-sharing in the first place.

The sad scenario - a familiar story-line that has been suffered by many workers throughout the world and throughout history - is that the producers cabal will give up on talking to the writers ( in fact it gave up last week, much to the fury of the WGA ) and focus instead on brokering a deal with the directors. The DGA talks will probably begin in January and, barring some big sticking point, wrap up in February or early March. At that point the guilds will be split, the writers will be hungry for work and a sizeable faction is likely to emerge to challenge the hard line adopted by the WGA leadership. Maybe the strike will last long enough to bring the actors on board, maybe it won't – but sooner or later the writers will have to realise they don't have anything like the deep pockets of the media conglomerates who own the studios and the networks, and they will be forced to give in.

It is a reminder that all unions fight against the effects of capitalism and when faced with a determined ruling class , the workers are at a disadvantage in this war between employer and the hired -hand .

The other war in Afghanistan

There is another war going on in Afghanistan - one which is being ignored by the media - and that is the class war .

The Safi fur and wool factory, in Herat city, western Afghanistan, has more than 350 female and 300 male workers who earn only 300 Afghanis (US$6) for their 48-hour, six-day week. The factory produces coats, jackets, hats and other garments for the European and North American markets. There are more than 1,500 women working in four such factories in Herat city. Workers have to separate fur from goats’ hair and weave sheep’s wool without protective gloves or masks.

Ahmad Zia Rahmani, a lung and chest diseases specialist at the Herat city hospital, says workers in fur and wool factories are vulnerable to virulent microbes, which harm the respiratory system and cause chest infections. “Sheep’s wool and goats’ hair usually contain harmful bacteria which can easily be transferred to a human via close contact and inhalation,” Rahmani said. Mothers who regularly breastfeed their babies and consume food at the factory can also transfer dangerous microbes to their children if they do not wash their hands with antibacterial soap, Rahmani added.

Jamila has worked in the factory for more than a year and recently experienced an unrelenting pain in her chest. “First, I was coughing and now I feel a terrible pain in my chest,” the 32-year-old said. “Doctors and medicine are expensive,” she said.

In the past 12 months, seven women workers of the wool and fur factories in Herat have died due to respiratory diseases and chest infections.

According to Afghanistan’s labour law, public and private employers should provide medical insurance to employees who work in hazardous environments. However, there are too many hurdles - including poor law enforcement institutions, lack of awareness about women's rights and conservative traditions - which constrict the law on paper with weak or no practical power. Almost all workers in factories in Herat province have no written contract with their employers, particularly in the private sector. Workers and employers have only verbal agreements, which do not cover medical and hazard insurance.

Meanwhile

Iran is deporting thousands of Afghans . Most deportees are young, single men who migrated to Iran mostly in search of employment and economic opportunities, aid agencies say. Provincial officials, however, are concerned that hundreds of women, children and elderly people have also been evicted.
The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) says there are more than 900,000 registered Afghan refugees in Iran. However, the large numbers of Afghans who do not have refugee status and are considered illegal are not protected by UNHCR. Since April, some 200,000 Afghans living in Iran illegally have been deported .

Class Warfare

A flurry of activity on a comrade's blog and not before time , i might add